By
Martin Mutua
The surprise decision by
national electoral body to abandon electronic voting system for a manual
process stunned Parliament and rekindled bad memories of the 2007 bungled
elections.
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Poll officials
countercheck voting materials in a past election.. [PHOTO: FILE/STANDARD]
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But even more worrisome
for the country Speaker Kenneth Marende ordered two committees of the House to
probe the controversial tender whose cancellation reluctantly led IEBC to give
up on it altogether.
Putting an electoral team under probe seven
months to elections is the last thing a country would like to see given the
disruptive nature of its possible outcome, and what this portends for the
credibility of the team set to oversee the
exercise.
But again if no attempt is made to reinstate the tender, the
adverse effect on Kenyans’ confidence on the electoral process could be
severely undermined.
But worse still for IEBC, apart from the missed deadlines
particularly on voter registration and education, the team is faced with a
logistical nightmare that next year’s will be a six-in-one election, three more
than it has been previously.
The tedious and risky manual intervention, which from experience
has shown how prone it is to interference, is being reinstated for the about 18
million persons the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission targets to
register from next month.
But with the clock ticking fast towards March 4, 2013, election
date which court affirmed is constitutional and appropriate, IEBC appeared to
surrender following the controversy and graft claims that rocked the processing
of Sh3.9 billion Biometric Voter Register tender.
IEBC led by Isaack Hassan appeared headed for
confidence crisis given that not only had the tender processing exposed the
undercurrents and competing interests in the electoral body, but also dimmed
the hopes of a free and fair elections many Kenyans had banked on electronic
voting system.
Questions were also being asked if IEBC then is prepared for the
coming polls, the first under the current Constitution, and over which the
stakes are higher than 2007’s not only because of its six-tier structure, but
also because it will hand Kenya its fourth president.
Unlike in the previous elections where Kenyans only went to the
polling stations to vote for the President, Member of Parliament, and a
councillor, the IEBC now has additional three seats and about 18 million voters
to contend with.
Hassan who got a thumbs-up after he led the now defunct Interim
Independent Electoral Commission (IIEC) during the 2010 referendum leading to
his current job, is a man under intense focus as Kenyans monitor the road to
elections after the shambolic one in 2007 under the discredited team of Samuel
Kivuitu.
The recent boardroom wars that are said to be
soaring at IEBC, with Hassan and commissioners on one side, and the Chief
Executive James Oswago and the secretariat on the other, is blamed over
cancellation of the BVR tender that would have raised the standards of
electioneering here.
The debacle in IEBC caught the attention of Parliament with
Speaker Kenneth Marende directing a joint committee of the House to investigate
the tender and report back to the House within 14 days.
The matter was raised by Kimilili MP Esseli Simiyu, who was
supported by Imenti Central MP Gitobu Imanyara, his Ikolomani counterpart Boni
Khalwale, and Nominated legislator Millie Odhiambo.
Parliament’s Constitution Implementation and
Oversight Committee chaired by Mandera Central MP Abdikadir Mohammed and the
Justice and Legal Affairs Committee chaired by Budalang’i MP Ababu Namwamba
will undertake the joint probe on behalf of the House and file a report.
Important matter
“I am satisfied this is a matter of great national importance. I direct
that the two committees can inquire into the matter of BVR and report back to
the House not later than 14 days from today,” Marende directed.
The Speaker said the move was not aimed at interfering with the
independence of the electoral body, adding it had concluded the tendering.
Kenyans will now be asking is why the team having been sworn into
office last year in October, did not start the BVR tendering earlier to ensure
it would be in place long before the elections. The testing and
installation is also time-consuming, and a delicate exercise since all must be
done to ensure the computer-based system is firewalled against manipulation and
data distortion.
It is, however, the Hassan team, made up of himself as the
chairman and eight commissioners that must rise to the occasion given that they
carry the hopes of Kenyans. They are expected to navigate the remaining
steps to the election carefully and transparently, making sure its integrity is
above reproach.
Curiously, it is the same team that had raised the hopes of
Kenyans for free and fair elections through BVR model. Immediate former Justice
Minister Mutula Kilonzo is on record assuring Kenyans he would ensure the
coming elections would be carried out electronically, and that he was working
round the clock with the commission to make it possible.
However, Mutula has since been transferred to the Education
docket, and replaced by Saboti legislator Eugene Wamalwa.
The defunct Electoral Commission led by Kivuitu was widely
criticised, notably by Justice Kriegler Commission, which investigated the
manner the last elections were conducted, hence the strong desire by the
current body to avoid attracting similar, or worse criticism.
IIEC under Hassan during the 2010 referendum and several
by-elections it conducted, especially the veracity of tallying in open centres
with results streamed live on television as, and when received, and its
time-saving capabilities.
Internal tussles
But it appears IEBC’s internal tussle following the pattern of
Hassan-Oswago axis could have sapped the energies of the commission and
diverted its focus. Hassan and the commissioners have been haggling over the
position of CEO for the commission, which was supposed to have been advertised
and filled with Oswago’s replacement by February.
Curiously, a voter, Nelson Ombima from Vihiga, is reported to have
rushed to court, where he obtained orders blocking the commission from
advertising the job.
The bad blood between Oswago and Hassan’s
side follows claims that the CEO allegedly had been using his office to write
newspaper articles to discredit the commission.
It is alleged the information in the articles were later traced to
Oswago’s laptop in the commission office that was being used by his personal
assistant, who has since been fired.
With the reinstatement of Oswago by the court, the commissioners
are now forced to contend working with him.
Efforts to get Hassan or Oswago for comment were fruitless as
their cell phones sounded switched off up to the time we went to press.
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