Death of two leaders may alter political landscape in Central

By GAKUU MATHENGE

The death of Cabinet minister John Michuki and immediate former Defence minister Njenga Karume marks the beginning of postponed generational succession in central Kenya, where their agemates have dominated politics for over half a century.

Their sudden departure at a time President Kibaki is due to retire from politics has left a sense of loss of a region being left rudderless.

"These two were at the front line of leadership, who the region looked up to, and had political clout. But they had not done much to nurture succession. Most times they suppressed emerging alternative leadership. One wishes they had more to hand over social-political instruments of engagements," said Mr Ngunjiri Wambugu, convener of Kikuyus for Change lobby.

The mountain region is perceived by some as the last bastion of octogenarians holding sway in leadership with an iron fist. The rest of the country has since moved on to second and third generation of leaders.

When they do not hold direct political positions, they own parties and sponsor proxies and cronies making running for public office in the area a most expensive affair compared to other corners of Kenya.

Second liberation

It is only in the region where the second liberation generation of leaders were yet to take charge of leadership mantle, and were still struggling to emerge from the long shadow of the independence generation.

Examples are Narc-Kenya and Safina leaders, Martha Karua and Paul Muite, whose political troubles mostly resulted from falling out with the old order represented by the octogenarians and their cohorts.

Of the second liberation foot soldiers from the region, only Energy Minister Kiraitu Murungi is the last man left standing.

Martha Karua was ejected from the Cabinet after falling out with President Kibaki’s power orbit to join former comrades in the reform trenches among them Muite, Gitobu Imanyara, Gibson Kamau Kuria and Kilemi Mwiria.

One of their most towering compatriots, Kenneth Matiba, lost his health in the trenches, and now lives in relative oblivion.

While the foot soldiers of the second liberation battled the Kanu machine in the streets, underground movements, courts, detention and exile in the 1980s and 1990s, the wazees were no where to be seen, when Kanu caved in and opened up space for return of multi-partyism, the old men of power and deep pockets assumed the front seats of leadership.

It is widely acknowledged that Kenya politics exhibit deep features of corrosive dictatorship despite holding elections every five years, and 70 per cent of parliamentarians being replaced, partly due to a small core of enduring leaders who have held power for long, and exert heavy influence on national processes, including reforms.

An example of their influence was when Michuki opposed the new Constitution promulgated in August 2010 because it did not provide for President Kibaki to be eligible to run for office afresh like it happened with President Moi in 1992. Michuki changed his mind to give Kibaki a positive legacy.

When the number of terms one can be president were capped at two, Moi had served three, but still went ahead to serve for another two.

Michuki felt the new Constitution was ‘discriminative and punitive’ to President Kibaki, as it was designed to apply to him retroactively.

Conservative ideas

He only turned around after the Greens secretariat organised a rally at Ihuura Stadium, Murang’a, and Kibaki attended personally to drum up support for the new Constitution.

While all regions boast of several individuals and families with dynastic political influences, Central exhibited a higher share of influential grey-haired men and women, whose common denominator is their conservative ideas and wealth accumulated, through patronage and proximity to State largesse.

While it seemed like the pending retirement of President Kibaki would allow for alternative leadership to emerge, the outgoing generation seemed to anoint Deputy Prime Minister, Uhuru Kenyatta, to succeed them rather than allow for fair competition between those seeking to assume leadership.

"This endorsement of Uhuru by Michuki has diluted his mandate, with his generation wondering if he represents them and their interests, or the outgoing old order.

Generational leadership acquisition is not given like Michuki seemed intent to bequeath Uhuru. It is taken, and Uhuru should have consulted his generation to get a legitimate mandate to represent them and their generation," said Ngunjiri.