WHY THE KALENJINS WILL NOT ALLOW THEMSELVES TO BE ISOLATED

By MIGUNA MIGUNA


I am back from my monthly North Rift political circuit, where I spent considerable time discussing three issues with the residents: the ongoing referendum debate; the future of the Kalenjin in the new dispensation; and the question of one William Samoie Ruto.

We cannot deny that Ruto has emerged as an important personality in Kalenjin politics. I confine him to Kalenjin politics because that’s what he has called himself repeatedly in media interviews, particularly in Kass Fm radio. He commands a relatively small but vocal group of youthful Kalenjin legislators. No day passes without media quotes from Ruto.

The evening news is incomplete without his predictable misinterpretations of the proposed constitution and the incendiary attacks on those he perceives as “enemies.” Ruto is a zealot and a demagogue. At his best, he is worse than a pit bull terrier. He tears into his real or imagined opponents with the kind of gusto never seen since the Gestapo. Controversy sells, Ruto must have learnt. Like a demagogue, he relishes propaganda and controversy. For three months, Ruto has been frothing about all manner of things, none of them close to his heart. The whole of last week, he made hay of one Michael Ranneberger, whom he chooses to call “Rannenberger,” for purportedly “interfering” in Kenyan affairs. This week, Ruto will create and target another straw man for the evening news.

For Ruto, the intention is not to win on August 4th. He knows he cannot and will not win. The ordinary Kalenjin knows this. “We will pass this katiba, then deal with 2012 politics later,” a retired army major close to Ruto told me. That is the popular refrain. Ruto knows that. In fact, he might have told some of his closest allies to spread the word. All he wanted and has achieved was to build his own political machine among the Kalenjin for “war” before or after 2012. He believes that he has done that. Forget about Moi and the clergy. In Ruto’s world, they are nothing but foot soldiers. Ruto knows what sells. He is aware that being a de facto leader of a group, any group, is important. It helps one “negotiate” for bigger things. As someone whose name is synonymous with “trouble” - whether it is ongoing criminal and civil cases in court, ongoing ICC or KACC investigations - Ruto knows that publicity helps. It is his unlimited insurance cover for foreseeable “threats.” In Kenya, there is no better insurance policy than a solid support from one’s community.

If he is able, through some magic, to expand and solidify his ethnic base, he might just escape the tightening noose around his neck. In order to protect his skin, Ruto will use anything - the proposed constitution, Raila Odinga, the restoration of Mau water tower, Ranneberger, et cetera, to build his profile.

We have to give him credit for effectively manipulating the Kenyan media. He has creatively shifted attention from the myriad legal and political problems he is facing and made the media believe that he is actually “fighting a cause”. Almost at will, Ruto can make the media treat him as a “victim” one minute and a “hero” the next. Gosh; he has even succeeded in manipulating the clergy! And as he kneels down, with both hands raised in cunning supplication, red attired clergy surround him, praying for salvation from the Bill of Rights and the Land Chapter in the proposed constitution! Luckily, Kenyans, including the majority of Kalenjins, don’t trust him. They know Ruto. They have known him since his brutal YK92 days. They know that anything Ruto and Jirongo touches disappear.

Most Kalenjins understand power. More importantly, they understand the “benefits” of power. Like all indigenous Kenyans, the Kalenjin suffered under colonialism. During the independence struggle, they produced one of the fiercest warriors; Koitelel arap Samoie. Under Kenyatta, they plotted and strategized until Moi succeeded Kenyatta. After Moi retired, they have suffered with the rest of Kenyans. So, they know what power and powerlessness mean. They also know the difference between a true hero and a scoundrel. As they told me last week: “Ruto is no Koitalel!” With that, they have signaled an important turning point. On August 4th, the Kalenjin will not allow themselves to be isolated from other Kenyans. They know that standing alone, they will not succeed. “Where is he taking us?” asked a particularly distraught old man.

The Kalenjin have realized, like the rest of the country that the proposed constitution is not about any one individual, groups of people, community, region or political party. Neither President Kibaki’s nor Raila Odinga’s name appear in the draft. The new constitution, it has dawned on them, is about Kenya. It is about good governance and justice. It is about equity and equality. It is about respect for human rights and adherence to the rule of law. These are ideals everyone they aspire for and which the draft promises to bring. They have introspected and discovered that as they are told to flash red and shout “No” about the unjustified fear of losing hundreds of thousands of acres of public land; they hardly have any. And some amongst them who do, like Dr. Sally Kosgei, Henry Kosgey and Franklin Bett support the draft, which to them means the “young man has his own agenda.” The majority of Kalenjins, like most Kenyans, don’t own more than 20 acres. Less than .50% was allocated public land irregularly. “Why should a whole community go astray because of Ruto and Jirongo?” one asked me. “We will vote with the rest of Kenya,” another added.