2013 election has buried half-a-dozen myths on Kenya politics

First to tumble was the malignant myth that there exists a tacit law of Kenyan politicking and elections to the effect that a person from a certain community cannot succeed another from the same community in the presidency

By Ngari Gituku

The 11th General Election in Kenya, particularly the presidential race, has been a real eye-opener. It has also disabused millions of Kenyans and their observers everywhere of a number of notions that were long held to be dyed-in-the-wool truisms but which, when exposed to the scrutiny of a determined nation, wilted and then evaporated.

In the process, a number of myths and negative ethnicity shibboleths were burst forever. Yes, myths die hard, but, when they do die, a whole people move forward to a new reality. And as US public safety and law enforcement author Dave Smith wrote in the February 8, issue of the American magazine Police Patrol, “The myths that seem to die hard and need to be put to sleep are defined as: false or unproved collective beliefs”.

Six unproved and unnecessarily negative collective beliefs were put to sleep for good in the just-concluded General Election.

First to tumble was the malignant myth that there exists a tacit law of Kenyan politicking and electioneering to the effect that one person from a certain community cannot succeed another from the same community at the presidency. Those who held on to this thinning political fiction can now look forward to a whole new political ethnicity-blind horizon.

As indeed it should be, the only condition for State House tenancy is that one be the victor in a legitimate and credible election and wins it by merit. Wherever one comes from within Kenya’s borders will gradually be of no relevance whatsoever in days to come and that reality has made its maiden debut with the 2013 Election.

Come to think of it, why, pray, should there be an ethnic quota or regional reservation for the Kenya presidency? The scales should be about merit and not mere accidents like community of origin. If there were need for a quota, you can bet Kenyans would have taken the opportunity of the constitutional review to codify it as the law of the land.

Second to be smashed to smithereens was the equally toxic presumption that the Kalenjin and the Kikuyu, the only two communities to have provided Kenya with presidents so far in our journey as a nation, cannot conceivably join their massive vote blocs together on one presidential ticket, the argument being that they have never done it before. They just did and, with the much-needed help of millions of like-minded voters from around the country, they just won.

 A third myth also bit the dust for good – and this is that the Kenyan middle class is indifferent and would or does not vote. Pre-March 4, the proponents of this myth held that the middle classes would remain behind closed doors in their gated communities and leafy suburbs and leave the voting to the working classes and the jobless. Instead, the middle class came out in force and voted with gusto, for all sides, on Election Day.

Myth No.4 held that electoral violence is embedded in the genome of Kenyans and that, deep within the African psyche; there is an indelible atavistic spirit that predisposes Kenyans to violence. We have just shamed the world by proving the prophets of doom wrong – dead wrong.

Myth No.5 was the pretence that pre-election opinion polls are an accurate, even empirical, measure of political reality. This one went the same way as the infallibility of the popes. The pollsters not only have egg on their face by the dozen, but will also need reconstructive surgery. Perhaps a couple of opinion polls on opinion polling are called for in the near future. The results would be nothing short of intriguing.

 Myth No.6 was that the view, or supposedly superior will, of the international community is what matters when it comes to Kenyans’ making their political choices or decisions, even under conditions of the secret ballot. This one fell so flat and so hard on its face it has become part of the ground we walk on.

 It was only under such conditions of the retirement of myths that it was possible to see certain voting results, for instance the fact that, in Bondo, Prime Minister Raila Odinga had William Oduol, who is no longer a member of ODM, contesting as Governor, on another party ticket, something that no pollster or pundit could have foreseen. In the Rift Valley, William Ruto’s URP fell CORD giant Henry Kosgey in the race for the Senate, but organised a landslide victory for his son Alex as Emgwen MP.

Looking back, I have this sneaky feeling that there may be other hopeless myths woven deep in Kenya’s collective psyche. I am convinced that such worthless relics can only be smoked out by a severe status quo shake-up of the magnitude the 2013 General Election.

For far too long, it may seem, the ability among Kenyans to create a whole new home-made reality for themselves free from logic long ossified in the dreams of our ancestors, has been dormant.  It is unfortunate that the collective resolve of Kenyans is often times dependent on prompting from strange voices, many of them perched on mere delusions.

 A brave, bold and clear-sighted new world that is increasingly unencumbered by political myths is unfolding in Kenya. And this is as it should be. (Shores Beyond resumes next week)

 The writer is the Researcher and Editor of Duncan Ndegwa’s autobiography, Walking in Kenyatta Struggles