Politicians always shift excuses when it serves their interests. You can also trust their gullible audiences and embedded journalists to forget previous excuses for sins of omission or commission.
A month ago, it was claimed the government was not delivering because the opposition was not vigilant. Blame was apportioned on a 50-50 ratio between the government and the opposition for rising insecurity, runaway corruption, terrorist attacks, and the high cost of living.
For want of robust criticism, it seemed the opposition had left the government to deliver at its own pace. Cord leader Raila Odinga was abroad then. The establishment felt sufficiently at peace it could sleep on the job. The 'ineffective' opposition was blamed for this. The opposition had also gone to sleep as its leader was away.
The politically correct position now is that the riotous opposition, with its rallies and calls for dialogue on every public platform, is derailing the government from fulfilling its electoral promises.
Raila has been around for about three weeks. The political temperature is charged. This man is being blamed for raising political temperatures, causing everyone sleepless nights.
'Railometer' is proving it's the cure for complacency. Wielders of state power do not know what Raila will say next, with opposition troupes always on the run, pleading for dialogue before time runs out.
No less a person than the President has admitted the political heat was low to average when this man was away. It's too hot now, even with the signs of the July cold already here.
The message from the presidency is; "Tell this man to leave me alone so that I can do my work." But this man looks and talks charged. This man is as influential as he has always been. It's still what democracy ordered.
Former vice president the late Kijana Wamalwa left a timeless counsel on the mixed emotions his peer Raila Odinga excites. Raila evokes love and hate, admiration and fear, adulation and demonisation - at once. The emotions got lyrical three weeks ago, when he returned after three months on a fellowship in Boston.
Raila's absence made the hearts of his supporters grow fonder, even as the mystique around the Cord leader terrified the competition into panic.
Inspector General David Kimaiyo's pretended powers of banning a welcome rally for Raila fitted him smugly in what Wamalwa called 'Railaphobia'. The 'Babawhileyouwereaway' hashtag by his supporters echoed Wamalwa's idea of 'Railamania'.
ODM and Cord's pre-welcome frenzy of warm-up rallies fitted the Railamania tag just as Jubilee's attempt at a copy-cat rally was a case of Railaphobia.
The Jubilee coalition called off its preemptive rally, after Kimaiyo lifted the unconstitutional ban on public meetings, possibly to disguise a Railaphobia.
Kimaiyo's attempt to deploy emergency orders was intended to 'impress' his executive bosses. It backfired when the police chief was reminded the constitution does not give him such powers.
The backlash was clear when Jubilee jumped in to remind Kimaiyo that his dictatorial order contradicted the Bill of Rights. Such was the confusion - a direct consequence of Wamalwa's idea of Railaphobia.
Raila's image as a bold and populist leader is a product of a long history of struggle against Kanu dictatorship. Over the last three decades, Raila personified a pro-reform streak that endeared him to Kenyans who believe in change and popular participation in public governance.
And herein lies the challenge for those who would want to 'succeed' the ODM leader particularly in Nyanza, where he is the undisputed leader, and in the party, where he is the driving force.
Raila did not become a political colossus because he is the son of the late Jaramogi Oginga Odinga. He is not a political institution because of his pedigree. He earned the accolades through sheer force of character that combines courage and seduction.
Raila has never used money to buy leverage with the masses or publicity in the media, even as his competitors rely on retained gatekeepers. He has worked for it by appealing to the peoples' hearts before asking for their support. His cough sells newspapers and raises TV audience ratings.
When Raila's supporters dance, sometimes in a trance, when he sings for them or recites football allegories, he is appealing to people's feelings. Just like Americans cried when President Barrack Obama became the first Africa-American US president.
Obama, like Raila, makes people feel and touch. The African-American writer Maya Angelou, who died three weeks ago, knew this: "I've learned that people will forget what you said, people will forget what you did, but people will never forget how you made them feel."
Raila, a former minister for Energy under the Moi regime, had 30 years to build himself into a political institution, with enigmatic credentials. The times also favoured his evolution into the icon of Kenya's undecided democracy. Railamanics publicly acknowledge this fact, which Railaphobics do not appreciate - at least not in public.
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